Презентация на тему The Transnational Corporate Elite: Evidence from the 2006 Global Fortune 500

everyone agrees that transnational corporations (TNCs) are central to

the process.
The sociological study of TNCs is therefore critical to any understanding of contemporary globalization.

of wealth and power by and for the people

who own and control them.
There is much evidence to suggest that the corporate power can, and often does, undermine or subvert democracy (Mills; Domhoff).

a transnational elite raises important questions about the efficacy

of global democracy in the face of transnational corporate power.
The decisions made by this elite group of manager/capitalists can have life or death consequences for billions of workers, consumers and citizens, and yet the people who run these TNCs are largely unaccountable to the world’s people.

TNCs are:
able to escape or avoid what democratic

control can be brought to bear on them via the laws and policies of nation-states, and/or
in the absence of transnational institutions capable of enforcing democratic will
the people of the world will be left have to defend themselves against an increasingly wealthy, powerful, and sometimes heavily armed, global ruling class (Robinson, Sklair, Van Appledoorn, Faux).

ruling class haunts global democrats, so it is critical

to determine if our fears are justified through empirical research on TNCs and the people who own and control them.
At present it is very much and open question whether any transnational, let alone truly global, ruling class exists or is in the process of forming.

the claim that transnational corporate/capitalist classes exist or are

forming, and
Identify the global corporate elite that would likely be involved in leading the formation of any such transnational capitalist class.

top 100 non-financial and top 50 financial transnational corporations.
In

my current research I use the corporations that comprise the Fortune Global 500 for 2006 (FG500).

been a central focus in studies of national elites

(Mills, Domhoff)
Corporate interlocks and the multinational composition of corporate boards have been used to search for evidence of a global corporate/capitalist class (Fennema, Carroll, Kentor, Nollert, Staples, Van Veen).

do or would constitute the entire global elite.

I only assume that if a global corporate/capitalist elite is emerging, or ever does emerge, the executives who run the world’s largest TNCs are or will be important to it.

to or integral to the network are more powerful

within the corporate community
The connections created among corporations and directors contribute to class solidarity and cohesion.

ratio of national/transnational director interlocks—
The national, regional, and global

distribution of these interlocks
The multinational composition of FG500 boards.
Identify the companies and individuals at the heart of whatever global corporate elite can be said to exist.

concentrated in the “triad” of Europe, the Americas, and

Australasia, with the United States, Japan, Britain, France, and Germany together accounting for 70% of the companies on the GF500.
These corporations and the directors who run them are headquartered in or are citizens of only 42 of the world’s 190+ nations.
Control over the world’s largest economic assets is concentrated in the hands of a relatively few nations, nationalities, and companies.

only once, meaning that these individuals serve on only

one board within the FG500.
The remaining 1,537 directors, or director positions, are occupied by 659 individuals, and together these individuals create 1,201 Company A to Company B links, or interlocks.
The 659 linkers come from an even more select group of nations, with only 21 nations accounting for all 659 linkers, and the United States alone accounting for 47% of the total.

company B links, 319, or 26.6%, connect companies headquartered

in different countries.
Most (95%) of the linked companies are concentrated in either Europe or the Americas.
European companies are more than twice as likely (36.8% versus 15.6%) to be involved in transnational linkages than companies headquartered in the Americas.

number of companies in the GF500 (170), the largest

number of directors (2,070), the largest number of linkers (310), the largest number of female linkers (57), and the largest number of linked companies (994)
Yet, the United States ranks quite low in its proportion of linked companies involved in transnational links (130/992), at 13.1%. Only India, with at 6.7%, and Japan at 12.7% rank lower than the U.S.

are connected to each other and so part of

the network.
But only 219 corporations are involved in transnational interlocks.

occur within Europe or involve European companies.

find that 754, or 11.4%, were “foreigners” on the

boards on which they served.
Example: Harald Arnkvaern, a Norwegian, was found to serve on the board of the Swedish firm, Nordea Bank
Example: Kevin M. Murai, from Canada, serves on the board of Ingram Micro, headquartered in the United States.
Because of board interlocks one individual might create both “foreign” and “non-foreign” connections.
Example: Francis Mayer serves on three boards within the FG500, two French (Groupe Caisse d'Épargne; Veolia Environment), and one Belgian (Dexia Group). Only his board membership on Dexia counts as a “foreign” board membership.

at least one “foreigner,” on board.
The number of different

nationalities represented on the board ranges from 1 to 8, with an average of 2.06.
Multinational corporate boards are highly concentrated within Europe.

relatively low levels of transnational interlocking and board globalization

worldwide.
To the extent that transnational interlocks and board globalization are occurring, they are occurring in Europe.
No matter which way one looks at the findings, European countries, companies, and directors seem to be most heavily involved in whatever corporate globalization is occurring within the GF500.

the 659 linkers) who are involved in both national

and transnational interlocks.
70.8% are from Europe and 29.2% are from the Americas.

well-known names in global business, particularly European business.
Many

of these individuals are regularly listed among the world’s wealthiest people, routinely serve in high government posts, and can usually be found each January at the swankiest parties in Davos.

within the top 50 in both national and transnational

interlocks.
Most of these companies are household names and all but a few US companies are headquartered in Europe.
All 30 companies can be found on the list of companies that connect the top 48 most-connected directors.
Thus, to the extent that a Transnational Corporate/Capitalist Class—or at least the elite fraction of that class—can be said to exist, its core is to be found in these individuals and companies.

a long time that corporate power hobbles democracy. But

we also know that nominally democratic governments have, at times, provided a significant level of resistance against corporate power run amok.
Thus, the possible emergence of transnational corporate power—power in the form of a corporate elite acting on behalf of a transnationalizing capitalist class—is worrying to those of us interested in conserving and expanding democratic alternatives to corporate power.

have been devoted to answering some basic questions about

who might be involved in a transnational corporate elite, how this elite relates to the class it represents, and how it acts in relation to the class it seeks to dominate.
Thus far the results suggest that the level of global corporate elite integration is relatively low—at least when measured by corporate interlocks and board globalization—but that it does exist and so is certainly worth monitoring.
At the same time, the research also suggests whatever transnational corporate elite formation is occurring is highly concentrated among European countries, corporations, and individuals. Indeed, to this point what we seem to be studying is not a transnational corporate elite, but largely a European transnational elite. Global corporate elite formation might be better thought of as economic regionalization, and European-ization in particular.

and studying the European corporate elite—perhaps beginning with the

or 50 individuals and 30 or so corporations identified in the present research—is important because we can see how these people relate to each other, to the broader capitalist class whose interests they are presumably advancing, but also how they behave toward both European states and to the European working-class—the class that has most to lose as a result of an increase in trans-European corporate power and a consequent decline in European democracy. There is much work to be done by those scholars specifically interested in global corporate power in Europe.
While it’s evident that most of the “transnational action,” is currently centered in Europe, we should not confine our focus exclusively to Europe.